DOHA, Qatar – President Donald Trump’s second-term state visit to Qatar, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Saudi Arabia carries immense geopolitical and economic significance. These Gulf States are not merely energy suppliers; they are crucial strategic partners whose influence extends far beyond the oil markets, impacting global stability and the U.S. economy in profound ways. A successful visit must underscore the United States’ commitment to a mutually beneficial, long-term partnership, transcending transactional diplomacy and fostering genuine collaboration.

Economic Pillars: Beyond Energy Reliance

The Gulf region’s role as a primary energy source remains vital. However, the economic relationship between the U.S. and these states has evolved significantly. These nations are now major investors in U.S. infrastructure, technology, and real estate, contributing to job creation and economic growth. Their sovereign wealth funds, among the largest globally, are crucial players in international finance, wielding considerable influence over market stability.

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This article is part of the Polistratics | Global Foreign Policy Center collaboration program.

Justin Thomas Russell, Executive Director – Global Foreign Policy Center

The United States and Saudi Arabia have resumed defence talks, which started just days after Riyadh had hosted US and Russian officials to discuss the two countries' diplomatic relations and the Ukraine war, showcasing the Kingdom’s role as an international mediator and its valued status as a major US ally.

Accompanied by top-level delegations, the Saudi Defence Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman and US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth held extensive consultations for enhancing strategic ties. Emphasising the crucial nature of Saudi-US cooperation, Prince Khalid said that living in a “turbulent region” makes it necessary to coordinate bilateral efforts to “ensure stability in the region and the world.”

Considering the various concerned players and a highly complex political and security situation in the Middle East, InStrat Nonresident Fellow Sabena Siddiqui explores for The New Arab where these talks may be heading, towards a deeper strategic alliance, or indeed, a purely interest-driven partnership.

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This article is part of the Polistratics | InStrat collaboration program.

Sabena Siddiqui is a foreign affairs journalist and geopolitical analyst who focuses on the Belt and Road Initiative, the Middle East, and South Asia.

Iran’s deterrence strategy—once the terror of the region, propped up by powerful proxies such as Hezbollah and the Houthis as well as smaller and less capable militias—is now hobbling, visibly depleted from its engagements in the post-October 7 period. Iran’s army of foreign agents was created to influence events across the Middle East, and if necessary to keep Israel and Tehran’s other adversaries focused on their near abroad, allowing Iran to remain out of direct conflict. 

But the facts on the ground have changed substantially over the past year—and particularly since Iran’s unsuccessful missile attack against Israel on April 13. Iran’s strategy of low-cost, low-risk proxy war was meant to keep its adversaries at the mercy of perpetual surprise. But as any military planner knows, a static strategy is a doomed strategy. Indeed, Israel’s technological advantage has made it evident that Iran’s strategy, once effective, can barely keep up. Tel Aviv’s ability to conduct pinpoint airstrikes and cyber attacks, as well as its possession of cutting-edge missile defense systems, has exposed the shortcomings of Iran’s playbook when tested in real-world conditions. Tehran now faces an no-win choice: adjust to the game’s new rules, or accept defeat.

While the outcome of the UK’s general election was a foregone conclusion, there were nevertheles some intruiging developments. Besides the ruling Conservative’s worst-ever showing, the victorious Labour Party’s dramatic revival was tempered by a decline in its Muslim vote. This paved the way for the election of five independent pro-Palestinian members of parliament primarily from Britain’s Muslim population. Several minor parties also saw an upsurge in fortunes, including Reform, whose five MPs include Nigel Farage, an architect of Brexit and now self-styled “real leader of the British oppostion.”

Taken at face value, Reform’s presence in the House of Commons looks paltry against Labour’s 411 MPs. However, thanks to Britan’s first-past-the-post electoral system, the party was able to split a disaffected Conservative vote, gifting seats to Labour while sending Farage to Parliament at the eighth time of asking. In doing so, Britain’s leading populist politician has presented the Conservative Party with an existential dilemma: lurch further to the right on issues such as immigration or return to the political centerground.

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Adam Dempsey is a political analyst and strategic communications consultant with a focus on topics shaping the GCC and wider MENA region. His research and commentary have been published by Gulf International Forum, Defence Viewpoints, Fair Observer, Inside Arabia, LobeLog, among others.